An Investment Court that Judges the Judges: a Case of Natural Selection?

AuthorKyle Dickson-Smith
PositionInternational Lawyer and Counsel, FCIArb., BSc, LLB, LLM (University of Melbourne). The author is very grateful for the thoughtful advice provided by Amokura Kawharu, Luke Nottage and Michael Blakeney
Pages71-119
AN INVESTMENT COURT THAT JUDGES THE JUDGES:
A CASE OF NATURAL SELECTION?
KYLE DICKS ON-SMITH 1
Investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) gives rise to a particular
phenomenon where international tribunal judges the fairness of the
domestic courts of a state. The Australian courts in the Philip Morris case
came close to being ‘judged’. In light of the recent criticism surrounding
ISDS, particularly the inconsistency of tribunal determinations, the
question thus arises whether this system promotes the rule of law. This
article evaluates whether a permanent international investment ‘court’,
such as that proposed by the EU and Canada, contributes to consistency
and the rule of law. In particular, this article identifies certain adequacies
and inadequacies of that system. This article concludes that, while
consistent standards at the international level may act as a catalyst by
providing the necessary foundation, its evolutionary potential to be a
‘public’ court in the true sense is somewhat limited.
Keywords: international economic law, investment law, investor-state dispute
settlement (ISDS), investment court, standard of deference, Australia, Philip Morris,
CETA, Chevron, Eli Lilly, denial of justice
I INTR ODU CTI ON
Courts and arbitral tribunals have a dynamic and symbiotic
relationship. In the field of commercial arbitration, we often perceive the
court system to be the institution supporting the arbitral award and
process. In the context of investment treaties enforced by ISDS, courts
have an added dimension. The courts (consisting of a judgment and the
judicial process) can form the subject of review by an arbitral tribunal. So,
if the international arbitral tribunal judges the fairness of the domestic
1 In ternational Lawyer and Counsel, FCIArb., BSc, LLB, LLM (University of Melbourne). The
author is very grateful for the thoughtful advice provided by Amokura Kawharu , Luke Nottage
and Michael Blakeney. I would lik e to express my appreciation to both Camilla Andersen and
Luke Nottage for providing an effective forum (namely the joint UWA/USyd 20 18 symposium)
to contribute to the current discourse. I welcome any comments and can be reached at
info@kyledickson-smith.com. The views expressed (along with any errors) herein are
exclusively the author’s own. The comments made in this article are solely made in my
personal capacity and cannot be attributed to the Government of Alberta, nor the Government
of Canada, in any way.
72 University of Western Australia Law Review Vol 44(2): 1
courts of a state, and a domestic court in turn judges the appropriateness
of the findings and process of an international arbitral tribunal, where does
that leave the predictability and accountability of the ISDS system?
The Chevron v Ecuador dispute2 provides an appropriate case study
of this phenomenon, which has permeated from the local Ecuadorian
courts to various international tribunals and courts of the United States,
Canada, Brazil and Europe. Similarly, other ISDS claims have encroached
(or come close to encroaching) on the task of judging courts of developed
nations, such as the recent Eli Lilly v Canada case.3 Australia recently
survived judgment of its legislature by an investment tribunal in the Philip
Morris case,4 but are the judgments of Australia’s High Court now grounds
for attack? The ISDS system has been the subject of criticism, with a
particular focus on the inconsistency of tribunal determinations. The
question thus arises, as to whether this ostensibly circular system of
judging the judges promotes the rule of law.
An evolutionary theory, that was unpopular and intensely debated
from its inception,5 was Darwin’s theory of adaptation by natural selection.
Darwin proposed that the strongest traits or features ‘survive’ by being the
most utile for its environment.6 These favourable traits are ultimately
‘selected’ by nature and endure through the reproductive cycle. Further,
under evolutionary theory, often a mutation in the system serves to be a
catalyst that expedites this evolutionary process.7
2 Chevron Corporation (USA) and Texaco Petroleum Company (USA) v. Republic of Ecuador,
PCA Case No. 2007-2.
3 Eli Lilly and Company v. Government of Canada (ICSID Case No. UNCT/14/2).
4 Philip Morris Asia Limited v. The Commonwealth of Australia (UNCITRAL Arbitration, PCA
Case No. 2012-12).
5 The most notable confrontation took place at the 1860 Oxford Evolution Debate during a
meeting of the British Association for the Ad vancement of Science. Bishop of Oxford Samue l
Wilberforce argued against Darwin's theory. Vernon Jenson, Thomas Henry Huxley:
Communicating for Science (University of Delaware Press, 1991), Chapter 3; AFR Wollaston,
Life of Alfred Newton: late Professor of Comparative Anatomy, Cambridge University 1866
1907, with a Preface by Sir Archibald Geikie OM (Dutton, New York, 1921), 118-120.
6 Charles Darwin defined natural selection as the ‘principle by which each slight variation [of a
trait], i f useful, is preserved’. Charles Darwin, On the Origin of Sp ecies by Means of Natural
Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life (John Murray, 1959),
61. This theory was first published by Darwin and Alfred Russel W allace in a joint presentation
of papers in London in 1858, On the Tendency of Species to form Varieties; and on the
Perpetuation of Varieties and Species by Natural Means of Selection and was subsequently
elaborated in On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of
Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life.
7 Mutations can change genes and produce variations in traits. Jose ph Carroll, On the Origin of
Species / Charles Darwin (Broadview Press, 2003), 5152. By 1837, Darwin started his "B"
notebook in Transmutation of Species.
73 University of Western Australia Law Review Vol 44(2): 1
The underlying question presented in this article is whether the strong,
hegemonic nations have set a certain path that results in a paradigm such
that other nations are under some influence to survive by adaptation. In
particular, this article proposes that the investment settlement system has
presented a mutation in the system in the form of the recently proposed
international investment court. This ‘court’ was created and endorsed by
hegemonic states and economic unions, such as the EU and Canada.
One of the theories considered in this article is whether other Asia-Pacific
states, like Vietnam and recently Singapore as well as Mexico, are
‘adapting’ to the model of hegemonic states, and why they do so. Unlike
Darwin’s theory relating to species which unconsciously follow an
evolutionary path, states maintain a greater degree of autonomy to choose
to follow a certain path. As such, other states like Australia may adapt due
to competitive pressure, the virtues or merits of the design of the
investment court, or a combination of each.
With case examples to offer context, this article evaluates whether a
permanent international investment ‘court’, such as that proposed under
the EU-Canada Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA),
the EU-Vietnam Free Trade Agreement (FTA), and by the EU under the
Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), contributes to
consistency and the rule of law. In particular, this article identifies certain
adequacies and inadequacies of that system in the context of an
evolutionary institutional shift from the existing model based on private
contract-based arbitration to that of a public ‘court’. Will this model result in
an elevated standard of jurisprudence of international investment law, or
just similar circular outcomes? The standard of review of this ‘court’ could
just as equally promote a divergence, rather than a convergence, of
international investment norms. Ultimately, any convergence between
domestic and international legal norms is regulated by the reciprocal
standard of deference and the willingness of states to consent to a
particular investment treaty standard.
Before addressing the design and the impact of an international
investment court, Part I of this article considers a specific phenomenon of
a perpetual engagement and potential competition of the jurisdiction
between the local judiciary and investment tribunals. This section
discusses the Chevron/Ecuador dispute that once emanated from a local
court and permeated to various international tribunals and other domestic
courts. It is proposed that this case serves as a benchmark (or the
scientific control) to measure whether the investment court will improve

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