How Productive Are Economics and Finance PhDs?

Published date01 December 2023
AuthorYihui Lan,Kenneth W. Clements,Zong Ken Chai
Date01 December 2023
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/1467-8462.12531
The Australian Economic Review, vol. 56, no. 4, pp. 442461 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8462.12531
How Productive Are Economics and Finance PhDs?
Yihui Lan, Kenneth W. Clements and Zong Ken Chai*
Abstract
This article analyses the research productivity
of more than 200 individuals in academe with
a PhD in economics and nance from (mostly)
Australian universities. We nd the number of
publications accumulates linearly with experi-
ence, while citations increase exponentially,
pointing to network effects. Panel regressions
indicate: (1) the key role of experience in
determining research outcomes; (2) the usual
quadratic approach substantially under
estimates the role of diminishing returns to
experience; (3) the university where an
individual works is mostly unimportant for
publications and citations. Prime academic
age, when research has maximum impact, is
attained about 11 years after the PhD.
1. Introduction
The job of most academics is to teach,
conduct research and help administer their
institutions. At the ofciallevel, all three
activities are valued when it comes to
appointments, promotions and (sometimes)
salaries. Why then do academics tend to
devote disproportionate time, effort and en-
ergy to research? Perhaps they are the type
who thrive in the highly competitive environ-
ment of researchattracting funding, enga-
ging in combative seminars and being suf-
ciently thickskinned to cope with dismissive
referee reports and the inevitable disappoint-
ment of journal rejections. Moreover, for
many the concept of afterhours workis
almost nonexistent if it involves research. For
some, research continues at all hours and all
days of the week. This environment is not for
everyone. An alternative explanation is aca-
demics simply prefer the creative, unstruc-
tured environment where they can work on
research topics of their own choosing. More
simply, perhaps this environment is just
accepted as the price of remaining upto
date, productive and potentially mobile across
institutions. This attitude might guard against
being marginalised and vulnerable to being
landed with unpleasant tasks (for many, more
teaching and administration) or worse.
A third explanation for the emphasis on
research is its measurability. It is common
practice for publication counts to be a
prominent feature of many workload models.
Quality is accounted for with weighting
factors that reect the ratings of journals in
* Lan, Clements and Chai: Department of Economics, The
University of Western Australia, Crawley, WA, Australia
Corresponding author: Clements, email <Ken.Clements@
uwa.edu.au>.
For helpful discussions and comments, the authors ar e
grateful to Emiliano Carlevaro, Simon Chang, Shawn Chen,
Kevin Fox, Dan Hamermesh, Izan, Alison Preston, Sharon
Purchase, Saroja Selvanathan, Diana Soetjipto, Lee Tate,
Rod Tyers and participants atseminars at ANU and UWA.
The authors thank Hasley Walker for helpful research
assistance. In revising the paper, the authors have beneted
from the comments of two referees and the Editor.
© 2023 The Authors. The Australian Economic Review publishedby John Wiley & Sons Australia, Ltd on behalf of The Universityof
Melbourne, MelbourneInstitute: Applied Economic & Social Research, Faculty of Business andEconomics.
This is an open access article underthe terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits use, distribution and
reproduction in any medium,provided the original work is properly cited.
which publications appear. Less often, the
importance/inuence of publications is as-
sessed with citation counts. Arguably, pub-
lication metrics are more objective than
assessments of teaching effectiveness, such
as student evaluations, and almost self
evidently, better than attempted measures of
the usefulness of service components of the
workload.
Many institutions themselves signal the
priority of research by the incentives they
provide, perhaps unofciallyor even sub-
consciously. These incentives can take the
form of bestowing prestigious named chairs,
rapid promotion, access to research and travel
funds, favourable teaching allocations, better
ofce accommodation, and so forth. These
forces can be sufciently powerful that they
are part of the academic culture of the
institution.
1
As resources of time, money and
space are nite, additional research necessa-
rily comes at the expense of other activities,
especially teaching. Of course, this can be
perfectly rational behaviour on the part of
institutions that also respond to the pressures
they face. They want to attract the top
researchers needed to secure a good ranking
for the institution, which, in turn, is necessary
to appeal to feepaying students in particular.
Top researchers can also assist with fund
raising from benefactors.
Against this background, it is understand-
able that there is strong interest in measuring
academics' research performance. For ap-
pointments and promotions, institutions need
to infer future prospects in terms of research
output, research quality and research inu-
ence. Citations and publications provide a
valuable input into these decisions. In this
article, we use citation and publication counts
to measure research performance.
Research is frequently a longterm activity
that takes considerable time to formulate,
prosecute and (above all) be published.
Moreover, it can then take additional time
for research to be noticed by others and feed
into citation counts. Also, many researchers
learn on the job and after incurring initial
startup costs, become more productive with
additional experience. Thus, a longerterm
horizon is needed to obtain a reliable indica-
tion of research productivity and the inuence
of that research. We use the entire career
proles of more than 200 academics to study
their research activity and its impact. These
individuals have a PhD in economics or
nance from (mostly) Australian universities.
Depending on when the individual was
awarded the PhD (the start of the academic
career for most), the length of these careers
ranges from zero years (for those just
commencing) to more than 30 years.
Allowing for cohort effects, we derive pro-
ductivity proles that can be used to judge if
an individual with a certain number of years'
experience is above or below the benchmark.
We use publication and citation counts to
measure the quantity and qualityof re-
searchers' work. In an early paper, Tuckman
and Leahey (1975) examine the relationship
between the publications and salaries of
academic economists and nd substantial
value in papers published early in their career.
Additional publications are subject to dimin-
ishing returns, so much so that Tuckman and
Leahey (1975) argue the incentive effects of
this might be sufcient to explain the notice-
able dropoff in publication rates of older,
wellpublished academics. Hamermesh and
Kosnik (2023) seem to give an alternative
explanation in attributing this pattern pri-
marily to habit based on the pattern of
autocorrelation of economists' publications.
There exists a signicant body of literature
on citations in economics. The seminal work
by Stigler and Friedland (1975) lays the
foundation for understanding citation patterns
of economics doctorates. Weinberg and
Galenson (2019) use citation counts of
economics Nobel laureates to identify the
age at which they produce their most
important work. One stream of research
focuses on key determinants of citations (for
example, Laband and Sophocleus 1985;
Johnson 1997; BielinskaKwapisz 2012).
Bosquet and Combes (2013) nd that citations
are mostly driven by publication records,
indicating a partial substitution between the
two measures. The authors also attribute
increased citation counts to larger research
443Lan et al.: Economics and Finance PhDs
© 2023 The Authors. The Australian Economic Review published by JohnWiley & Sons Australia, Ltd on behalf of The
University of Melbourne, Melbourne Institute:Applied Economic & Social Research, Faculty of Business and Economics.

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