Non‐Standard Employment and Wage Growth in Australia
| Author | Inga Laß,Mark Wooden |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1111/1467-8462.12382 |
| Published date | 01 September 2020 |
| Date | 01 September 2020 |
The Australian Economic Review, vol. 53, no. 3, pp. 325–342 DOI: 10.1111/1467-8462.12382
Non‐Standard Employment and Wage Growth in Australia
Inga Laß and Mark Wooden*
Abstract
Using data from the Household, Income and
Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA)
Survey, and after restricting attention to
employees, we observe an increase over time
in the non‐standard employment share, all of
which is concentrated in the period since
2009. Further, we find clear evidence that
employees in non‐standard forms of employ-
ment have experienced relatively low rates of
growth in hourly wages when compared with
permanent full‐time employees. Nevertheless,
decomposition analysis suggests that changes
in workforce composition by employment type
have had a very small (and insignificant)
impact on the overall rate of wage growth in
recent years.
1. Introduction
Recent decades have seen increased concern,
both in Australia and elsewhere, about
changes in the nature of work, and more
specifically growth in non‐standard forms of
employment (such as part‐time and casual
work), and what this implies for the quality of
jobs (see Laß and Wooden 2020). Changes in
the mix of ‘standard’and ‘non‐standard’jobs
may also have implications for wages.
Haldane (2017), Chief Economist at the
Bank of England, for example, identifies the
changing nature of work, and especially
growth in self‐employment, temporary em-
ployment and zero‐hours contracts, as a factor
contributing to weak wage growth in the
United Kingdom. Similarly, in Australia,
Cassidy and Parsons (2017) point to the
potential role that growth in the part‐time
employment share may have played in
restraining real wage growth. More specifi-
cally, they point to both the concentration of
part‐time jobs in low‐paying occupations and
industries and relatively low levels of bar-
gaining power among part‐time workers as
factors that could drive down observed wage
growth. In a similar vein, Pickering (2018)
points to the rise not just in part‐time jobs, but
in jobs where workers have no paid leave
entitlements (that is, casual employment), as a
likely contributing factor to relatively low real
wage growth in recent years. That said, the
wage floors created by minimum award wages
may have shielded many of the lower paying
non‐standard jobs from any erosion in real
wage growth. Prima facie evidence for this is
provided by growth in minimum award wages
*Laß: Federal Institute for Population Research,
Wiesbaden, Germany; Wooden: Melbourne Institute of
Applied Economic and Social Research, University of
Melbourne, Victoria, Australia. Corresponding author:
Wooden, email <m.wooden@unimelb.edu.au>. A longer
version of this paper was first presented at the 2019
Reserve Bank of Australia Conference, Sydney, 4–5 April
2019. It uses unit record data from Release 17 of the
Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia
(HILDA) Survey (doi: 10.26193/PTKLYP). The HILDA
Survey is conducted by the Melbourne Institute of
Applied Economic and Social Research on behalf of the
Australian Government Department of Social Services
(DSS). The findings and views reported in this paper,
however, are those of the authors and should not be
attributed to the Australian Government, DSS or the
Melbourne Institute. Further, this research was supported
under the Australian Research Council's Discovery
Projects funding scheme (project # DP160103171).
© 2020 The University of Melbourne, Melbourne Institute: Applied Economic & Social Research,
Faculty of Business and Economics
Published by John Wiley & Sons Australia, Ltd
in recent years (19.6 per cent in the 6 years to
2019) that has been considerably above the
growth in consumer prices over that same
period (11.7 per cent).
Despite these arguments, we are unaware
of any previous research that has examined
the link between growth in non‐standard
employment and wage growth in Australia
within a multivariate framework. Previous
research has focused on associations with
the wage level (for example, Booth and
Wood 2008; Green et al. 2010; Laß and
Wooden 2019; Watson 2005), but not with
the rate of growth in wages. The aim of this
paper is therefore to re‐assess the strength
and validity of arguments linking changes in
the prevalence of employment types to wage
growth in Australia.
Using data from the Household, Income
and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA)
Survey we find that the share of non‐standard
employment in total employment has, perhaps
surprisingly, not increased much since the turn
of the millennium. However, a major factor
working against growth in non‐standard
employment has been self‐employment—the
self‐employment rate in Australia has been in
long‐term decline. If we restrict attention to
employees, which seems appropriate for an
analysis of wages, then we do observe an
increase over time in the non‐standard em-
ployment share. Further, all of this increase is
concentrated in the years since the global
financial crisis (GFC)—over the period
2001–2008 the share of employees with non‐
standard employment contracts actually
declined.
Such trends are suggestive of an association
with low wage growth, with most indicators
showing real wage growth declining to, and
persisting at, quite low levels in recent years.
Nevertheless,while it is true that some types of
non‐standard employment (notably casual
work) are associated with relatively low wages,
once we control for worker characteristics
these differences disappear. Indeed, if any-
thing, permanent part‐time, casual and fixed‐
term contract workers earn hourly wage
premiums. Suc h findings are in line with
previous research using the HILDA Survey
data (for example, Booth and Wood 2008).
However, we also find clear evidence that
employees in n on‐standard forms of employ-
ment have, throughout the period covered by
this study (2001–2017), experienced relatively
low rates of growth in hourly wages when
compared with permanent full‐time employees.
Growth in the share of non‐standard types of
employment in total dependent employment
(that is, employees) thus might be one factor
contributing t o slower rates of real wage
growth in recent years. Nevertheless, a simple
decomposition analysis suggests that the mag-
nitude of this effectis small (and insignificantly
different from zero).
2. Non‐Standard Employment in
Australia—A Brief Definition
As discussed at greater length in Laß and
Wooden (2020), non‐standard employment
has most commonly been defined as any job
that differs from full‐time, permanent, depen-
dent (that is, wage and salary) employment.
This covers a broad and disparate array of
employment arrangements, including self‐
employment, part‐time work and any job
where there is no commitment on the part of
the employer to a long‐term relationship (for
example, fixed‐term contracts and casual
employment).
In line with this definition, we operationa-
lise non‐standard employment as comprising
five sub‐groups of workers:
the self‐employed;
contributing family workers;
employees on fixed‐term contracts;
casual employees; and
permanent employees working part‐time
hours.
Note that we treat all owner managers,
regardless of the legal status of their busi-
nesses, as self‐employed. We define part‐time
jobs based on the number of hours worked in
the main job (rather than all jobs), and in line
with Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS)
practice, use a 35 weekly hours threshold.
326 The Australian Economic Review September 2020
© 2020 The University of Melbourne, Melbourne Institute: Applied Economic & Social Research, Faculty of Business
and Economics
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